Analysing The Compatibility Of Islam And Democracy Politics Essay

Analysing The Compatibility Of Islam And Democracy Politics Essay This chapter presents the arguments for and against the compatibility of Islam and democracy, not to Islamic states specifically per se but more to Muslim-majority states as a whole. By doing so, it encompasses the wide range of arguments that scholars have made on the issue and shows clearly what makes it possible for Islam and democracy to be compatible and what does not. Taking these arguments into consideration, this chapter then puts it into context for Islamic states and analyzes if it is possible for them to be democratic without essentially loosing what makes it an Islamic state. The relationship between Islam and democracy, its compatibility and the issue of the democratic deficit in the Muslim world is one that has been put in the spotlight especially after the catastrophe and repercussions of September 11 (Hasan 2007: 10) as well as the sustained potency of Islamic revivalism and the rise in involvement of Islamic movements in electoral politics (Esposito Piscatori 1991: 428). Although not all hope is lost for the Muslim world as there are Muslim-majority states such as Indonesia and Turkey that are recognized as democracies, there is still the problem of the non-existence of democratic Islamic states and that the majority of the Muslim world remains undemocratic. The relationship that Islam and democracy have in the contemporary world and modern-day politics is one that is rather complicated (Esposito Voll 2001). There are many perspectives regarding the coexistence of Islam and democracy. On the one hand, many prominent Islamic intellectuals and groups argue that Islam and democracy are compatible (Esposito Voll 2001). On the other hand, there are others who see the democratization of Islam as a threat, that it may promote an even more virulent anti-Westernism view or others who see the two as inherently antithetical due to the different beliefs that the two promote (Espositio Piscatori 1991: 428). Esposito and Voll present the idea that the Muslim world is not ideological monolithic and therefore presents a broad spectrum of perspectives ranging from the extremes of those who deny a connection between Islam and democracy to those who argue that Islam requires a democratic system (2001). In addition to this, they argue that there are pers pectives that lie in between the two extremes that consist of Muslims in Muslim-majority states who believe that Islam is a support for democracy despite the fact that their political system and governance is not overtly recognized as democratic (Esposito Voll 2001). Having laid out the range of different opinions and stances on the compatibility of Islam and democracy, it is important to note that this chapter will not deal with every single argument present in the ongoing debate of the relationship between Islam and democracy but rather focus on the main substantial points. Khan, in his book Islamic Democratic Discourse, identifies two main schools of thought of Islamic political theory. First there are the political Islamists who advocate the establishment of an Islamic state, an authoritarian and ideological entity whose central concepts are al-Hakimiyyah (the sovereignty of God) and Sharia (the law of God) (Khan 2006: 160). The second school of thought is that of liberal Muslims who advocate an Islamic democracy whose central themes are Shura (consultation) and Sahifat al Madinah (Constitutionalism a la the Compact of Medina) (Khan 2006: 160). It is significant to note that political Islamists do conceive the concept of Shura as a vital comp onent of their Islamic state, but for them consultative governance is not necessary for legitimacy, since legitimacy comes from the enforcement of the Sharia, regardless of the will of the people (Khan 2006: 160). For liberal Muslim scholars, on the other hand, Shura is a paramount and Sharia too must be arrived at through consultative processes and not taken as given (Khan 2006: 160). Therefore, it can be seen that political Islamists, according to Khan, do not see the need for democracy as the legitimacy democracy is meant to give to a states governance and politics is done through the implementation of the Sharia laws. El Fadl argues that for democracy to work inside the framework of Islam and its ideals, it must understand the centrality of Gods sovereignty in Islam and cannot eliminate the element of the Sharia laws as a whole but rather show how it respects and compliments it. However, El Fadls argument is not feasible as it is not possible to enforce Sharia without taking into consideration the will of the people because that already is considered undemocratic. Khan argues that the only way El Fadls Islamic state can be democratic is if the authority of those who interpret the Sharia are dismantled and interpreted by the people themselves (2006: 161). This in turn may jeopardize the quality of Islamic democracy within the state but according to Khan, it is a risk that should be taken for the sake of implementing democracy (2006: 161). Moving on to the second school of thought, liberal Muslims, who believe in an Islamic democracy centred on the ideals of Shura and the Constitution of Medina. Esposito and Picastori argue that Muslim interpretations of democracy build on the well-established concept of Shura (consultation), but place varying emphases on the extent to which the people are able to exercise this duty (1991: 434). They identify a perspective that claims that it is not only the notion of consultation that makes Islam intrinsically democratic, but it is also due to the concepts of ijthihad (independent reasoning) and ijma (consensus) (Esposito Picastori 1991: 434). The Constitution of Medina establishes the importance of consent and cooperation for governance and according to this compact Muslims and non-Muslims are equal citizens of the Islamic state, with identical rights and duties (Khan 2001). Khan argues that according to this constitution, which was the interpretation of the Quran by Prophet Muhamma d, the principles of equality, consensual governance and pluralism are integrated into the Islamic state (2001). He then goes on to point out the difference between Muhammads democratic and tolerant Islamic state to contemporary Muslims such as the Taliban, who interpret the Quran in a completely different and radical way (Khan 2001). Choudry backs up the liberal Muslim perspective by asserting that the fundamentals of democracy are present in Islam: Islam recognizes popular sovereignty, government is based on rule of law, political leaders are elected and accountable to the people and equality of citizens is ensure in the Quran itself (Choudry in Ehteshami 2004: 96). But if this were the case in all Muslim-majority countries, why are there so few democracies in the Muslim world? The answer is simple. Using Khans argument regarding the interpretation of the Quran, it can be argued that the compatibility of Islam and democracy depends on the interpretation of Islamic spiritual scriptures of the Quran by Muslims themselves. Khan argues along identical lines stating that all arguments that advocate Islamic democracies or the compatibility of Islam and democracy take the Quran as a revealed document, whose text is absolute but meanings are open to interpretations (2006: 158). This is a very important piece of informat ion as it highlights the fact that when the Quran is interpreted differently by different Muslims it would result in different understandings of what the Quran encompasses. This would explain why not all Muslim-majority states, Islamic states in particular, are similar in the extent to which Sharia law is implemented in aspects of governance, economics and everyday life. Additionally, Khan uses the theologian perspective to back up liberal Muslim scholars as theologians go to Islamic roots and identify and exemplify those elements that correspond to liberal democratic principles (2006: 158) thus specifically looking for democratic ideals present in Islam. In his book, The Islamic Roots of Democratic Pluralism, theologian Sachedina relies solely on Quranic sources and eschewing other socially constructed discourses, how Islam strongly advocates pluralism (Khan 2006: 158). However, just because Islam promotes pluralism, does not instantly make it democratic. Liberal Muslims and theologians make the mistake of being complacent with the fact that just one or two aspects of democracy are found in Islam, namely Shura and aspects of pluralism, hence automatically making Islam and democracy compatible. If this were the case, democracy would be more prevalent in the Muslim world. Maududi uses the theologian perspective when studying Islam as he also argues that whatever aspect of the Islamic ideology one may like to study, he must, first of all, go to the roots and look at the fundamental principles (1977: 119-120) emphasizing the importance of having to study Islam from the inside out and not just take it at face value. However, Maududi takes a step further than theologians and coins the idea of a theo-democracy, the mixture of theocracy and democracy in Islamic states (1977: 133). According to theo-democracy, God is equally sovereign as the people represented by an elected assembly that is controlled by religious leaders (Maududi in Lane Redissi 2004: 171). Nevertheless, this concept of theo-democracy, as argued by Lane and Redissi, does not fulfil the essential requirement of democracy as the legitimacy of the Mullahs is not derived from the people but from their insight into the Quran (2004: 171). Maududi himself points out that a democratic Islamic stat e would be a fallacy as the sovereignty of God and sovereignty of the people are mutually exclusive and that an Islamic democracy would be the antithesis of secular Western democracy (Maududi in Bukay 2007). The issue of sovereignty of God and the people is what distinguishes Islam and democracy. The two are completely different sets of ideals that cannot be combined together as only one can take precedence over the other, and when this is done, a country either is a democracy or an Islamic state. Going back to the concept of Shura, many scholars use this concept to show that Islam has similar values to those of democracy. Shura can be defined as the obligation for Muslims in managing their political affairs to engage in mutual consultation (Esposito Voll 2001). Lane and Redissi argue that the effort to find the missing link between Islam and modern democracy is focused upon the possibility of finding a link between the concept of consultation Shura and the key institutions of modern democracy the vote and the participation of the people in relation to the religious elite including the caliph (2004: 170). Ahmad uses the Islamist perspective to argue that the Quran allows Muslims to use Shura and the opportunity of Gods vicegerency to select a Muslim ruler based on the free will of the Muslim masses (2002) pointing out the democratic aspects of the Quran when it comes to choosing a ruler. However, it seems that despite the fact that Shura is the so-called democratic compone nt of Islam, majority of the Muslim world are not democratic thus proving that it is easy to correlate the two (Shura and democracy) as similar entities in theory but in practice, it is not enough to ensure a democratic Muslim-majority state, let alone an Islamic state. As Khan puts it: a democratic theory cannot just emerge by itself from a part of a verse (2006: 158). Apart from Khans two main schools of thought, there is another perspective where in which scholars believe that Islam and democracy are intrinsically incompatible. Sivan suggests that Islam has very little to offer in the realm of politics as after Muhammads death, political history was shaped by circumstances Islamic law had little to no say on constitutional matters (Sivan in Ehteshami 2004: 96). According to Sivan, Sharia does not stand a chance of being the superior law of the land when democracy is implemented thus implying that Islamic fundamentals of politics and democracy cannot coexist without one being more superior to the other thus determining whether a state is either Islamic or democratic, they cannot be both. Furthermore, Maududis argument supports that of Sivans as he claims that an Islamic democracy would be the antithesis of secular Western democracy (Maududi in Bukay 2007). Despite the fact that numerous Muslim activists have rejected the concept of democracy as a western import designed to destroy Islam and the Sharia, there are Muslim and non-Muslim scholars alike that strongly argue that there is no contradiction between Islam and democracy (Ehteshami 2004: 94). Ehteshami claims that Muslim teachings and practices of collective debate, consensus, accountability and transparency, if followed properly, will produce Muslim versions of democratic rule (2004: 94). Nevertheless, he argues that if Islam and democracy were to be seen as two different systems, one of the main differences between an Islamic state and a democracy is the sphere of sovereignty, where in a democratic society sovereignty lies with the people, and in an Islamic state it resides in God (2004: 94). Ahmad argues along the same lines as Ehteshami but uses the Islamist approach claiming that a fundamental difference between the Western and Islamist concept of democracy: the sovereignty o f the people vs. the sovereignty of God or the Shariah (2002). That being said, it is not possible to remove the sovereignty of God and the Sharia and move them to the sidelines of politics within an Islamic state with democracy at the top, because when that happens, an Islamic state is no longer an Islamic state for the reason that the core essence of it has been removed and replaced. When put in this context, it is not feasible for an Islamic state to be democratic. Bukay brings up an interesting argument in relation to the compatibility of Islam and democracy. He claims that some Western scholars maintain the Islamist argument that not only are parliamentary democracy and representative elections congruent with Sharia, but that Islam actually encourages democracy (Bukay 2007). Bukay identifies two ways in which these scholars maintain the above claims: either they twist definitions to make them fit the apparatuses of Islamic government terms such as democracy become relative or they bend the reality in Muslim countries to fit their theories (2007). He points out the phrases used by Esposito and his different co-authors such as democracy has many and varied meanings; every culture will mold an independent model of democratic government; and there can develop a religious democracy (Bukay 2007) proving his above statement true. Having exhausted all the prominent arguments in the general sphere of democracy and Muslim-majority countries, this chapter will now put these arguments into the context of Islamic states specifically. The arguments of political Islamists is one of the few realistic argument that keeps what essentially makes Islamic states Islamic as it does not disregard Sharia as unimportant or unnecessary when it comes to the governance of a Muslim country. Rather it argues the point that for democracy to work within an Islamic state, it is the responsibility of democracy to show that it encompasses Islamic ideals rather than the other way around. The liberal Muslim school of thought is also useful in finding the possibility of Islamic states being democratic as they argue from the point of view that the interpretation of the Quran is what is essential. However, no matter how evident it is in theory that there are possibilities of Islamic states becoming democratic, there is no denying that in pra ctice, not a single Islamic state exists. The non-existence of democratic Islamic states raises a number of important questions: Why are there no democratic Islamic states? Why is it possible for Indonesia and Turkey to be democratic but not Pakistan, Iran or Bahrain? Is Islam the sole, main reason why there are no democratic Islamic states? These questions will be answered in the next two chapters as the next chapter focus primarily on specific case studies of Islamic states, namely Pakistan, Iran, Yemen and Bahrain, where as the fourth chapter deals with democratic and semi-democratic Muslim-majority states, such as Indonesia, Turkey, Malaysia and Bangladesh.

Colloid Cysts, Physical and Personal Impacts on Patient and Spouse :: Medical Medicine Papers

Colloid Cysts, Physical and Personal Impacts on Patient and Spouse Introduction: The patient is a 45 year old male who was in a car accident that involved alcohol on July 29, 2004. I have known the patient for three years and will be referring to aspects of the patient that I know to be true, but am unable to cite all details due to learning them via the dynamics of the relationship. The patient and the patients’ spouse have requested complete anonymity for the purpose of this paper. The car accident resulted in a series of injuries for the patient which were a fractured pelvis, a lacerated bladder, internal organ bruising, a moderate concussion, and sciatic nerve palsy (nerve damage). The moderate concussion was determined by a computerized axial tomography (CAT) scan which also showed the colloid cyst. The patient believes he was made aware of the cyst; however his memories are not absolute and the spouse was not made aware at the same time. The cyst was mentioned (again) at the end of September and the brain surgery happened on February 13, 2005, six and a half months later. This series of interviews has occurred during the two months after the surgery. (Patient, Patient Spouse, personal communication, April, 27, 2005) Symptoms: The patient was suffering from intense dizzy spells for a year prior to the car accident. The patient is a licensed chiropractor and as he put it, â€Å"Doctors make the worst patients†, so he rationalized the dizziness and never expressed a need or desire to medically investigate it. The patient had not been experiencing the most common symptom, a headache. (Patient, Patient Spouse, personal communication, April 28, 2005) In the literature about colloid cysts there is a high prevalence of symptomatic headaches in the patients, often it is the headaches the patients are trying to resolve when the colloid cyst is discovered. (www.healthcentral.com/encyclopedia) The car accident fractured the patient’s pelvis so the treating physicians rebuilt his pelvis and began physical therapy before they scheduled the colloid cyst surgery. It was at this time the patients spouse learned about the cyst; it had been two months since its discovery. After becoming aware of the cyst, the patient presented with mild headaches. (Patient Spouse, personal communication, April 28, 2005) Surgery: The surgery occurred six and a half months after the CAT scan.

Fast Food and Subway

News that Subway has passed McDonald's as the world's biggest fast-food chain is hardly a surprise to Australians, given the sandwich chain has 1,254 stores in Australia, compared to just over 780 McDonald's stores. But the rapid and unrelenting growth of Subway in Australia and overseas does raise an important question for the franchise sector: Are franchisees now favouring smaller and cheaper franchise options? Franchising expert and SmartCompany blogger Jason Gherke, of consultancy Franchise Advice, says Subway and McDonald's have pursued very different growth strategies.Where Subway uses relatively low entry prices and smaller store formats (which mean lower rents) to attract franchises, McDonald's has a strategy of owning the land that a franchisee can build a store on, with the exception, of course, of stores in shopping centres or other retail precincts. â€Å"There is a much more significant capital investment required from both the franchisor and the franchisee under the Mc Donald's model,† Gherke says.The rate at which both chains grow is directly related to that. Whereas McDonald's would need up to five years of lead time to scout store locations, get planning approvals and build a store, it could take only months to get a Subway store planned, established and up and running. The trend towards smaller store formats is one Gherke says is also evident in the pizza sector, where Pizza Hut has moved away from a dine-in concept to a pure take-away concept.Rivals such as Eagle Boys have also modified their franchise offering to include â€Å"express† outlets which can be opened in small spaces within petrol stations and airports, for example. However, McDonald's is unlikely to be too worried about being in second place to Subway – Gherke says its slower growth means that McDonald's franchises remains much sort after, and very expensive. â€Å"I wouldn't hazard a guess at what a franchise would sell for these days, if you could actually get your hands on one. â€Å"And while other fast food operators are reducing the size of their stores, McDonalds has concentrated on changing its menu (particularly to include healthier options) and changing its store formats (with the inclusion of McCafe outlets in most stores). â€Å"I can't say that I've noticed a down-sizing of their outlets. McDonalds have modified their menu and their offer rather than their footprint. † And of course, store numbers aren't the only thing that counts in the battle for the stomachs of consumers. According to IBISWorld, McDonalds has a 19. 5% share of Australia's fast-food market, compared with Subway's share of just 2%.

Free Essays on Childhood and Adolescent Behavioral Problems

Summary: 9 pages. 10 sources. APA format. This paper investigates the issues and the psychological development of conduct disorder in both the childhood and the adolescent years. The diagnosis of conduct disorder shall be compared and contrasted against oppositional defiant disorder (ODD) and the correlation that conduct disorder has with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). Standard medical definitions for these disorders, as well as the growing body of literature on this field, are included to better round out the discussion and to signify the impact of such disorders on children and adolescents. Addressing Childhood and Adolescent Behavioral Problems: Diagnosis Criteria and the Role of the School Psychologist Introduction This paper shall examine the field of child psychology in respect to the topic of conduct disorder (CD). In child psychology, conduct disorder is an extremely difficult subject to accurately address and clarify, due primarily to the need to distinguish between normal childhood behaviors and the onset or development of an actual disorder. Once a child matures to the stage where he or she is allowed into the school system, however, it becomes pressing to identify and clarify the presence of CD in order to better assess the behaviors of that child. This paper shall investigate the issues and the psychological development of conduct disorder in both the childhood and the adolescent years. The diagnosis of conduct disorder shall be compared and contrasted against oppositional defiant disorder (ODD) and the correlation that conduct disorder has with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). Standard medical definitions for these disorders, as well as the growing body of literature on this field, shall be included to better round out the discussion and to signify the impact of such disorders on children and adolescents. Conduct Disorder Conduct disorder (CD) is defined by th... Free Essays on Childhood and Adolescent Behavioral Problems Free Essays on Childhood and Adolescent Behavioral Problems Summary: 9 pages. 10 sources. APA format. This paper investigates the issues and the psychological development of conduct disorder in both the childhood and the adolescent years. The diagnosis of conduct disorder shall be compared and contrasted against oppositional defiant disorder (ODD) and the correlation that conduct disorder has with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). Standard medical definitions for these disorders, as well as the growing body of literature on this field, are included to better round out the discussion and to signify the impact of such disorders on children and adolescents. Addressing Childhood and Adolescent Behavioral Problems: Diagnosis Criteria and the Role of the School Psychologist Introduction This paper shall examine the field of child psychology in respect to the topic of conduct disorder (CD). In child psychology, conduct disorder is an extremely difficult subject to accurately address and clarify, due primarily to the need to distinguish between normal childhood behaviors and the onset or development of an actual disorder. Once a child matures to the stage where he or she is allowed into the school system, however, it becomes pressing to identify and clarify the presence of CD in order to better assess the behaviors of that child. This paper shall investigate the issues and the psychological development of conduct disorder in both the childhood and the adolescent years. The diagnosis of conduct disorder shall be compared and contrasted against oppositional defiant disorder (ODD) and the correlation that conduct disorder has with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). Standard medical definitions for these disorders, as well as the growing body of literature on this field, shall be included to better round out the discussion and to signify the impact of such disorders on children and adolescents. Conduct Disorder Conduct disorder (CD) is defined by th...

Actuar Conjugation in Spanish, Translation and Examples

Actuar Conjugation in Spanish, Translation and Examples Actuar is a common Spanish verb that means to act in most senses of the English verb, such as to take an action, to behave, and to perform a role. It can be used in a wide variety of contexts. Actuar Conjugation Actuar is conjugated the same way as other -ar verbs,  but with a twist: When a regular conjugation of actuar would end up putting the accent on the first syllable, the u gets an accent mark to shift the accent to the second syllable. Under the rules of strong and weak vowels, placing the accent on the à º makes the vowel into a separate syllable. So, I act becomes actà ºo,  and is pronounced ahk-TOO-oh. The accent is required on some of the indicative present, subjunctive present, and imperative forms. The other forms- indicative preterite, indicative, and future; the imperfect subjunctive; the gerund; and the past participle- are unaffected. About two dozen verbs ending in -uar are conjugated the same way. Among the most common are continuar (to continue), evaluar (to evaluate), fluctuar (to fluctuate), situar (to situate), and valuar (to value). Present Indicative Tense of Actuar Yo acto I act Yo acto con impunidad. T actas You act T actas en la pelcula de terror. Usted/l/ella acta You/he/she acts Ella acta como una dictadora. Nosotros actuamos We act Nosotros actuamos para prevenir una emergencia. Vosotros actuis You act Vosotros actuis con violencia innecesaria. Ustedes/ellos/ellas actan You/they act Ellos actan con entusiasmo. Actuar Preterite The preterite is a past tense that is used for actions that concluded at a definite time. It contrasts with the imperfect tense, which is used for background actions or actions that didnt have a definite ending. Yo actu I acted Yo actu con impunidad. T actuaste You acted T actuaste en la pelcula de terror. Usted/l/ella actu You/he/she acted Ella actu como una dictadora. Nosotros actuamos We acted Nosotros actuamos para prevenir una emergencia. Vosotros actuasteis You acted Vosotros actuasteis con violencia innecesaria. Ustedes/ellos/ellas actuaron You/they acted Ellos actuaron con entusiasmo. Imperfect Indicative Form of Actuar The imperfect indicative in Spanish is equivalent to  the used to verb or was/were verb -ing forms in English. Yo actuaba I was acting Yo actuaba con impunidad. T actuabas You were acting T actuabas en la pelcula de terror. Usted/l/ella actuaba You/he/she was acting Ella actuaba como una dictadora. Nosotros actubamos We were acting Nosotros actubamos para prevenir una emergencia. Vosotros actuabais You were acting Vosotros actuabais con violencia innecesaria. Ustedes/ellos/ellas actuaban You/they were acting Ellos actuaban con entusiasmo. Actuar Future Tense Yo actuar I will act Yo actuar con impunidad. T actuars You will act T actuars en la pelcula de terror. Usted/l/ella actuar You/he/she will act Ella actuar como una dictadora. Nosotros actuaremos We will act Nosotros actuaremos para prevenir una emergencia. Vosotros actuaris You will act Vosotros actuaris con violencia innecesaria. Ustedes/ellos/ellas actuarn You/they will act Ellos actuarn con entusiasmo. Periphrastic Future of Actuar Although it is colloquial, the periphrastic future has become so common that it  has come close to replacing the simple future tense in everyday speech in some regions. It is formed by using the indicative present of ir followed by a and an infinitive. Yo voy a actuar I am going to act Yo voy a actuar con impunidad. T vas a actuar You are going to act T vas a actuar en la pelcula de terror. Usted/l/ella va a actuar You/he/she are/is going to act Ella va a actuar como una dictadora. Nosotros vamos a actuar We are going to act Nosotros vamos a actuar pronto para prevenir una emergencia. Vosotros vais a actuar You are going to act Vosotros vais a actuar con violencia innecesaria. Ustedes/ellos/ellas van a actuar You/they are going to act Ellos van a actuar con entusiasmo. Present Progressive/Gerund Form of Actuar The gerund is used in the progressive or continuous tenses to emphasize  the ongoing nature of an action. Gerund:  actuando  (acting) Ella est actuando como una dictadora.   Past Participle of Actuar The past participle is used with haber to form the perfect tenses. Participle:  actuado  (acted) Ella ha actuado como una dictadura.   Conditional Form of Actuar The  conditional tense, sometimes known as the hypothetical future, is used for actions that would take place if some other condition is met. Yo actuara I would act Yo actuara con impunidad si no tuviera conciencia. T actuaras You would act T actuaras en la pelcula de terror si no tuvieras miedo a las serpientes. Usted/l/ella actuara You/he/she would act Ella actuara como una dictadora, pero es demasiado agradable. Nosotros actuaramos We would act Nosotros actuaramos si hubiera una emergencia. Vosotros actuarais You would act Vosotros actuarais con violencia innecesaria si no fuera peligroso. Ustedes/ellos/ellas actuaran You/they would act Ellos actuaran con entusiasmo si tuvieran buenos papeles. Present Subjunctive of Actuar Que yo acte That I act La corte no permite que yo acte con impunidad. Que t actes That you act El director quiere que t actes en la pelcula de terror. Que usted/l/ella acte That you/he/she act Es lamentable que ella acte como una dictadora. Que nosotros actuemos That we act La alcaldesa quiere que nosotros actuemos para prevenir una emergencia. Que vosotros actuis That you act Es triste que vosotros actuis con violencia innecesaria. Que ustedes/ellos/ellas acten That you/they act Samantha quiere que ellos acten con entusiasmo. Imperfect Subjunctive Forms of Actuar Either of these forms of the imperfect subjunctive can be used without a difference in meaning. The first option is used more often. Option 1 Que yo actuara That I acted La corte no permita que yo actuara con impunidad. Que t actuaras That you acted El director quera que t actuaras en la pelcula de terror. Que usted/l/ella actuara That you/he/she acted Era lamentable que ella actuara como una dictadora. Que nosotros acturamos That we acted La alcaldesa quera que nosotros acturamos para prevenir una emergencia. Que vosotros actuarais That you acted Es triste que vosotros actuarais con violencia innecesaria. Que ustedes/ellos/ellas actuaran That you/they acted Samantha quera que ellos actuaran con entusiasmo. Option 2 Que yo actuase That I acted La corte no permita que yo actuase con impunidad. Que t actuases That you acted El director quera que t actuases en la pelcula de terror. Que usted/l/ella actuase That you/he/she acted Era lamentable que ella actuase como una dictadora. Que nosotros actusemos That we acted La alcaldesa quera que nosotros actusemos para prevenir una emergencia. Que vosotros actuaseis That you acted Era triste que vosotros actuaseis con violencia innecesaria. Que ustedes/ellos/ellas actuasen That you/they acted Samantha quera que ellos actuasen con entusiasmo. Imperative Forms of Actuar Imperative (Positive Command) T acta Act! Acta en la pelcula de terror! Usted acte Act! Acte como una dictadora! Nosotros actuemos Lets act! Actuemos para prevenir una emergencia! Vosotros actuad Act! Actuad con violencia innecesaria! Ustedes acten Act! Acten con entusiasmo! Imperative (Negative Command) T no actes Dont act! No actes en la pelcula de terror! Usted no acte Dont act! No acte como una dictadora! Nosotros no actuemos Lets not act! No actuemos para prevenir una emergencia! Vosotros no actuis Dont act! No actuis con violencia innecesaria! Ustedes no acten Dont act! No acten con entusiasmo!

How valid is the view that the German state which emerged between 1867 Coursework

How valid is the view that the German state which emerged between 1867 and 1871 was essentially autocratic, conservative and mil - Coursework Example Bismarck, on the other hand was the government’s chancellor (Turk, 1999). Their designations were in accordance with the Confederation’s constitution. Bismarck was actually the one who drafted the said constitution. He made it possible for the newly constituted state to have an emperor and a chancellor. He designed the constitution in such a way that he would be designated to a high position. The new constitution was observed to be the revised version of the Prussian constitution (â€Å"World,† n.d.). The main difference was the inclusion of the chancellor position. The addition of such designation in the constitution was of course with a purpose. It was designed by Bismarck so that he will have a greater role in the affairs of the Confederation. Significantly, the constitution accorded great powers to Bismarck, the chancellor (â€Å"North,† 2009). Although the constitution made Bismark responsible to the Reichstag, he was not accountable to them (â€Å"N orth,† 2009). This means that Bismark had power and control over the Reichstag. Nevertheless, the Reichstag did not have power over the chancellor. The grant of authority was one sided. Stated in another sense, there was no balance of power between them. The distribution of power under the Confederation’s constitution was unfair. It granted more power to the chancellor and less to the legislature. It could have been fine if the legislature was also accorded with the power to check the works of the chancellor, some sort of limitation. Nonetheless, the Reichstag did not have the authority to check the works of Bismarck. In other words, there was no check and balance between the two offices of the government. The legislature, instead of being the defender of the rights of the German people, became Bismark’s shield as to any expulsion attempt. Bismark then had the confidence to do anything he wanted to do. He was assured of the fact that the legislature does not have the power to evict him from his office. The constitution granted Bismarck an unlimited power to rule. Thus, in its essence, the new government was autocratic. Bismark was able to effectively control the internal affairs of the government. The set-up allowed him to become the direct intermediary between the people and the emperor (â€Å"North,† 2009). In a sense, the Reichstag was like a puppet to the government. It was part of the Confederation but it was absent in the minds of the people. In other words, it was a useless legislature. It was only there by its name and not by action. Bismark could have envisioned for such kind of legislature in his chancellorship. He could have aimed to be exercising some of the powers of the legislature. As a consequence, he was able to retain the power over the budget for German military (â€Å"North,† 2009). The ultimate decision with regard to the said budget depended on him. The Reichstag could not object or whatsoever to the deci sion that Bismark would declare. Its ability to reject any bill was only a theory (â€Å"World,† n.d.). In practice, the Reichstag was only restricted in the areas of foreign and military policy (â€Å"World,† n.d.). Moreover, Bismarck was also able to prevent some civil servants from becoming part of the Reichstag. These civil servants were the ones who opposed Bismarck’s political ideals in the year 1860 (â€Å"North,† 2009). In this sense, Bismarck had used his political power to advance his selfish desires and personal interests. He

Family business Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3250 words

Family business - Essay Example Key performance indicators such as financial ratios and pay for performance are a good way to assess overall and individual performance of an individual in the organization. The basic KPIs used by family owned businesses could be: Financial ratios, these are good indicators of how well the business is doing financially. This is because the biggest risk in a family business is the mismanagement if finances and useless spending by family members on their personal affairs. Measures such as sound financial reporting and analysis can allow the organization to keep a check and balance on the performance of both the company and the individuals working within it. Pay for performance is also another way to measure good business performance in a family business. Individuals in a family business are driven towards making the company successful and have a thirst to prove their worth. If the company works according to the rules that are applied to all employees and not just family members, pay for performance can be a good indicator of business performance. The biggest risks apart from financial drain are rivalry among family members over ownership and capital, nepotism and favoritism and sibling rivalry after succession. To avoid this, proper succession planning should be in place so that even after the demise of the first generation, the business performs well enough to go to the second generation. Family governance involves the family to regularly meet and discuss where the company is headed and devise long term strategies. It involves the members who are on the B.O.D to meet with the members of both family and management to discuss how the organization is performing under the set values of the family. Like mentioned, most family businesses tend to involve themselves more in philanthropy due to the values it holds There are three components of family governance. When it comes